Many may wonder :- Where was the Government When the Judicial Coup was being Plotted?
The Answer is this:- The Intelligence may remain silent and let the Coup Plot roll out.
This will allow the Government to net all the plotters, and deal conclusively with the matter. Nipping a Coup Plot in the Bud may help some key players to hide.
For instance, Raila’s 1982 Coup Plot was known withing the Intelligence Circles five months before they struck. Special Branch Officers took control of events. Several top figures were sucked in, and they were exposed later. The Kenya Airforce was also reformed after the Coup.
In Raila’s 2017 Coup Plot, the whole plan was seen long time ago. The Coup Plotters were allowed to go ahead with their evil plot. CCTVs were placed in strategic places visited, secret cameras and sound recording devices placed in strategic places. Waiters in key Hotels were roped in. Photographic Evidence was collected,
Flight details by top Judges taken. Their secret meetings with well known regime change characters recorded.
Just when everyone thought that the Government was asleep, the system hits back… with FACTS….with evidence that cannot be DENIED….. with FLIGHT DETAILS that cannot be DENIED.
At the end of the day, the Judiciary is exposed for what it is…. purely ROTTEN.
The Coup Plotters will be exposed, and Judiciary Cleaned.
Kenya will emerge stronger, Kenya will emerge better, Kenya will raise from the storm cleaner.
A damning affidavit has been filed at the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) seeking investigations against Deputy Chief Justice Philomena Mwilu and Supreme Court judge Isaac Lenaola over gross misconduct. The affidavit by one Derick Malika Ngumu, the executive director of Angaza Empowerment Network based in Mombasa, exposes underhand dealings between National Super Alliance (NASA) and the Supreme Court judges before the historic ruling. Supreme Court judges, by majority, annulled the reelection of President Uhuru Kenyatta.
In his petition, Ngumu has attached what he claims are phone conversation records and meetings that took place before the ruling was made. The Law Society of Kenya has also been roped into the scheme. On Thursday, August 17, Mwilu is said to have held a conversation lasting about two hours with Amos Wako but she failed to disclose this to other judges.
Lenaola is accused of having held a conversation with Law Society of Kenya (LSK) lawyer Steve Mwenesi while the case was ongoing and like Mwilu, he did not disclose this interactions to the rest of the bench. Mwilu, according to the affidavit, had communication with Orengo through a mobile number registered under Orengo’s sister. Between Wednesday, August 6 and Friday, August 18, Mwilu met and had lengthy conversations with Orengo and Moses Wetang’ula at different places including Menelik Hospital and Sky View apartments, both in Kilimani area
Further, Presidential candidate Ekuru Aukot and ODM director of communications Philip Etale are said to have been in communication with Supreme Court judges as the case was ongoing.
Aukot, according to Ngumu, used his own mobile phone to call and send text messages. Etale was acting on behalf of his boss, Raila Odinga, so that the ODM leader could not be caught. This comes as Kenyans await the release of the full verdict of the Supreme Court judges on Tuesday, September 19.
A transition government will require an amendment of the Constitution and a referendum. Constitutionally IEBC is required to organise the referendum ! We are staring at massive constitutional crisis ahead. The remarks by Raila that there will be no elections on 17th October 2017 should not be taken lightly. He carries with him nearly half of the country. The Supreme Court assumed that it would order an election and Raila would easily participate. If no elections are held Kenya will certainly experience what Professor Ojwang calls a ‘hiatus in the political and constitutional order.’ The collapse of the constitutional order will herald other unprecedented problems. The situation that has unfolded only in problematic countries like Gambia, Ivory Coast, Congo, Sierra Leone, Somalia, and Uganda in the 1980s will soon be witnessed in Kenya.The crisis will definitely affect all arms of government including the Judiciary. I see a political settlement where NASA succeeds in dissolving IEBC with Jubilee getting rid of the Supreme Court. There is no ‘transitional economy’ in the world that has witnessed a nullification of the presidential election results and survived the aftermath. It is for this reason that courts in fragile economies don’t easily quash presidential election results. They often consider extra-legal factors before making their decisions. The Kenyan Supreme Court was extremely pedantic and legalistic in its approach. On paper they can justify their decision using all manner of legal rules but in reality the decision required some moderation. i have examined the alleged ‘irregularies and illegallites.’ In my estimation, they are not suffiecient enought to cause the crisis that we are about to witness. A presiding officer in Mandera ‘tests’ the KIEMS gadget using a blank form not knowing that once the form is transmitted it cannot be reversed . The blank form therefore shows in the online portal . On paper this is a major illegality because the correct result which the PO is stuck with has not been transmitted electronically. He rushes to the Constituency Tallying Center with the correct form but is too late. A discrepancy /illegality has already been committed. As a Court do you invalidate this result because of the apparent illegality or you cure the same by ordering a re-tally ? At Bomet, a data entry clerk (because of fatigue) inserted 1000 as opposed to 10000 in one of the KIEMS kit. Remember once an entry is made it cant be reversed. Clearly , this transmission will result in an illegaity . As Court what are you supposed to do when confronted with this issue ? Do you ask for a fresh vote or find a legal way of curing the problem ? There are many examples of this type of illegalities. My take: by finding that errors in the process can lead to the invalidation of the presidential result where the Petitioner is not challenging the results, the Supreme Court has set a test that is impossible to meet. The ecosystem in Kenya cannot guarantee a perfect election process-wise. We are not a developed economy at all. We have floods, connectivity problems, illetracy issues, poor rural and even urban infrastructure, etc. Presiding officers are not permanent employees of the Commission. They are teachers, retired and serving public officers, etc. As such they are affected by the ordinary political baises. It is impossible to weed out instances where some of them collude with leading candidates to alter the forms. This happens a lot in strongholds of the dominant political parties. In sum the Court cannot wish these factors away. They are part and parcel of the judicial canvass. A court that does the opposite ( renders a decision that requires that the process be perfect) is clearly one that lives in Utopia. It is for these reasons that I am convinced that both the IEBC and the Supreme Court might not survive the looming political crisis
1. Raila didn’t win the elections in August 8th 2017 because he had erroneously assumed all battle grounds were his strongholds.
2. Raila claimed there was hacking to avoid conceding defeat and buy time to continue meddling in Kenyan Politics.
3. Raila knew if he conceded defeat, he would have had to retire from politics, which can’t accept except over his dead body.
4. Raila was for violence, it’s Kalonzo and Kivutha who convinced him to go to Supreme cos they were focusing on 2022 (and didn’t want to lose goodwill of Kenyans).
5. Raila didn’t expect Supreme Court to rule in his favour and was planning to make a career out of attacking the Supreme Court and IEBC for next 5 years.
6. Raila was surprised by Supreme Court decision because it bought his lies that the election was mishandled.
7. Raila knows if he goes to the polls, President Uhuru Kenyatta will beat him again.
8. Raila believes his best hope is to derail the polls until after 60 days and negotiate for Nusu-Mkate but is frustrated Uhuru is not for the idea.
9. Raila is already attacking IEBC as excuse because he knows he will lose again so that he will claim the elections were rigged.
10. Raila fears that if he goes to Supreme Court again after he loses to Uhuru Kenyatta, which is inevitable, and Supreme Court rules against him, he can’t be heard attacking it again.